World War I: The Few, The Brave, The Lucky

Shaw family photo.


To face the enemy in World War I, pilots first had to survive flight training. 

(this article appeared in Air & Space magazine July 2008)



Dear Mother and Dad:
This looks cheerful, but it is much more cheerful than it looks… After 12 hours on BE2c’s I took one up and smashed it to bits. Am not hurt—just messed up a bit. (letter home, March 16, 1918)
           
Frederic Barr Shaw had reason to be cheerful. He was alive, unlike scores of fellow cadets. On March 11, 1918, shortly after take-off from a training field in Cranwell, England, the engine on his single-engine BE2c biplane “went dud,” just as it had many times before. At just about 50 feet off the ground and with a large hangar and a line of airplanes looming in front of him, however, all his options were bad. Deciding not to crash into the hangar and the planes, Shaw attempted to turn the plane around. He didn’t make it. The plane stalled and nosed into the ground. Shaw was pried from the twisted mass of wood, wire and cloth bleeding and unconscious, later to be told the details of the crash.
            But again, Shaw was lucky. He would fly again. During most of World War I, pilots stood a greater chance of being killed or injured during training or in accidents than in combat itself. For every pilot lost in battle, two were killed in training, reported the U.S. Secretary of War in December 1918. Flying at that time, recalled one aviator, was “more art than science,” and the process of training aviators was a raw and very dangerous business. Aviation, after all, was only a few years old when the war broke out in 1914. From a few dozen types of planes and few hundred pilots around the world, it had grown to include hundreds of types of planes and thousands of pilots. But the wartime pressure to crank out planes and pilots and the frenzied pace of expansion meant that the planes were ridiculously unreliable and the pilots grossly undertrained. Many of the procedures that most pilots take for granted nowadays had not even been thought of, so it's understandable why the learning curve was so steep.
            For example, take safety belts. While it didn't take long for the manufacturers to include the devices on most planes, many of the old-time pilots, including many instructors, thought it unmanly or simply forgot to use them, sometimes with tragic results.

Montgomery was killed when the pilot fell out of the front seat in an [Avro] in a loop. Montgomery was in the back seat and crawled up into the front cockpit and just had his hands on the controls when it crashed. Think of watching the ground coming up at you for two or three minutes while you wiggle up the fuselage. Makes my blood run cold! (diary of John M. Grider, Feb. 22, 1918)

Early in the war, the British lost a great many pilots—literally.

A great percentage of the RFC [Royal Flying Corps] casualties are due to an imperfect knowledge of keeping a course and taking bearing, etc. It is only very recently the RFC have used compasses at all. (Frederic Barr Shaw, Nov. 19, 1918)

Today, all pilots are trained in pattern procedures when a approaching an airfield. Back then, as the number of planes and pilots mushroomed, a new and baffling problem emerged—air traffic.

A horrible thing happened today. We were all out on the tarmac having our pictures taken for posterity when somebody yelled and pointed up. Two Avros collided right over the airdrome at about three hundred feet. God, it was a horrible sight. We didn’t know who was in either one of them. I was glad I was sitting next to Cal. They came down in a slow spin with their wings locked together and both of them in flames. Fred Stillman was in one machine and got out alive but badly burned and Doug Ellis was in the other one and was burned to a cinder. (John M. Grider, Feb. 9, 1918)

Today, it takes years for a new plane to be designed, built and tested before being put into production. Back then, new planes were designed, built and flown in a matter of weeks, with the aerodynamics, flight characteristics and structural integrity to be tested literally on the fly. 

Springs did ten loops in succession and landed. Ainsworth went up later in the same machine and was coming over the top of his loop when the wings fell off. He was killed instantly. (John M. Grider, Jan. 1, 1918)

It would take years of such trial-and-error before those who oversaw the manufacture, training and governance of aviation to establish the necessary rules and standardization to make aviation safer and more reliable. In the United States, federal regulation of aviation didn’t begin until the dawn of commercial aviation with the Air Mail Act of 1925 and the Air Commerce Act of 1926, which authorized the Department of Commerce to establish airways, encourage air commerce, create and enforce air traffic rules, license pilots, certificate aircraft, and operate navigational aids. Until then, the establishment of standardized procedures in aviation was largely up to individual squadrons or the pilots themselves.
Though the military potential of airplanes was recognized soon after the Wright Brothers experiments in 1904, by the eve of World War I most practical efforts to find a military use for airplanes were largely token and experimental, led by a handful of aviation pioneers and visionaries. Despite the achievements of the Wright Brothers, the United States lagged far behind European nations in the development of military aviation, and its late entry into World War I meant that all the early American aces flew under foreign flags.

Curtiss aircraft undergoing tests by U.S. Army, 1913.                                   Photo Historylink101.com
        In Great Britain, military aviation began in 1912 with the establishment of the Royal Flying Corps, then organized into military and naval wings and based around a Central Flying School (the RFC and Royal Naval Air Service merged to form the Royal Air Force in 1918). The planes were rickety-looking machines that today look like little more than a wicker seat with wings and lawnmower engine attached, the whole contraption held together by fabric and wire. Even in the best flying conditions, the craft were slow and unstable, requiring the pilot’s constant attention:

If you kept it on or just below the horizon you were safe—until the time came to make a turn. Then you put the nose down lower still. Never make a level turn, still less a climbing one—that was bound to be fatal. Before putting on any bank push the stick forward a little to increase the speed.
(Capt. Duncan Grinnell-Milne on flying a Farman Longhorn in his memoir “Wind in the Wires.”)

No wonder military strategists viewed aviation skeptically. The machines seemed too fragile, too dangerous, too cumbersome and too unreliable to be of any practical use. When the war broke out, British military planners estimated the military wing of the RFC would require only seven squadrons of 12 aircraft each and a total of 364 trained pilots—all to be dedicated solely to observation and reconnaissance work. Early pilot training was basic, consisting of simple aerial maneuvers, take-offs and landings, and cross-country flight by reference to landmarks on the ground—thus the lack of compasses in many planes. The initial flight-training course was set at six months, despite the opinion of some experts that the training of a competent pilot took at least 9 months to a year to complete. Once the war broke out, training time was cut to three months in order to double the number of pilots produced. 

Fred Shaw,  circa 1914-15                            Shaw family photo
        Frederic Shaw was born in the small town of Forest, Ontario, and had moved to Kansas City when he volunteered. He had likely never seen a plane much less ridden in one, but he wanted to be a pilot. He lobbied a recruiter in Ottawa to become a cadet in the Royal Naval Air Service. Trained as a classical pianist, Shaw in many ways he fit the image of the ideal candidate. He was bright, had attended a year or two of college, and if he wasn’t precisely upper-class, at least he had upper-class aspirations. On the other hand, he was not particularly athletic. Worse, he had held a steady job. Conventional wisdom among recruiters then held that “the inspired recklessness of youth does not long persist among those who from boyhood up have to earn their living by responsible work.”
Shaw was wait-listed. Only after several months and a flurry of letters and telegrams to the Admiralty did he get his wish. In October 1917, he was told to catch a boat in Halifax bound for England, where he would begin training as a Probationary Flight Officer in the RNAS.

Battle of Zonnebeke                                                       Photo by Frank Hurley
 By 1917, the face of military aviation had completely changed. Advances in aircraft design, more powerful engines, along with innovations such as the bombsight and a synchronization gear that allowed a machine gun to safely fire through a propeller arc, made airplanes more powerful, more versatile and more deadly. In addition to observation and reconnaissance, airplanes were put to use doing ground support, bombing (both day and night) and air-to-air combat. The military now embraced aviation. In Britain the RFC (not including RNAS forces) expanded to 106 service squadrons and 97 reserve squadrons, with some 5,000 pilots. British manufacturers increased the production of planes from a total of 193 per year in 1914 to nearly 14,000 per year in 1917. The RFC ran 32 training facilities, training pilots not only in the United Kingdom, but also France and Italy.
Squad 16-A of the RNAS
        Arriving at the Royal Naval College in Greenwich, Shaw was one of about 40 recruits in Squad 16-A. He was bunked three-to-a-room inside the magnificent baroque complex that once served as a royal residence for King Henry VIII. During the day, there were lectures on theory of flight, meteorology, navigation, wireless telegraphy and engine mechanics. The classes, for the most part, were terribly boring (“rotten, all of them,” wrote
Fred Shaw (highlighted)
Shaw) and seemed to have little to do with flying or fighting. Along with these, there was the compulsory physical training (or “physical torture” as Shaw described it), along with the seemingly endless hours marching around in drill.
At night, however, his time was his own. Shaw and the other recruits could do as they please: play billiards, go pub-hopping or tour nearby London, or just “bum” around. Off-base, pilots were treated like visiting dignitaries, given the VIP treatment wherever they went and swooned over by young women—no wonder so many accounts of World War I aviators seem devoted as much to debauchery as they do to feats of aerial derring-do. To be an aviator was special, and they were treated as such. They were the astronauts of their era.

German pilots enjoying a little rest and relaxation.
        After four weeks at Greenwich, Shaw was transferred to Vendome, France, a small town about 120 miles southwest of Paris, where the RNAS operated a flight school in cooperation with the French. It was here that Shaw’s actual flight training would begin.

The first flight with an instructor piloting is called the “joy flip”—I believe they side-slip, nose spin and generally try to scare you green. I am looking forward to it. (Frederic Barr Shaw, Nov. 9, 1917)

John MacGavock Grider, an American from Arkansas who joined the Royal Flying Corps, was sent to Oxford College for his ground school, then to flight schools in Grantham and Thetford.

A flying field is not at all what I expected it would be like. They [the pilots] all seem to do pretty much as they please, go where they please and fly when they please. The chief occupation seems to be passing the flowing cup.

As the mission of military aviators had changed, so had flight training. By 1917, every pilot was required to perform aerobatics: how to side-slip, to loop, to imitate a fall out of control, and to perform a dozen other aerial maneuvers. “Stunt or die” was how one British instructor goaded his cadets. Unfortunately, many did the later. During the month of October 1916, of the 28 pilots killed in the RFC, half were in training, and fully 20 were the result of accidents. Though most training planes were outfitted with dual controls, allowing the student to learn by first following the instructor’s control movements, many of the instructors knew only marginally more than the students themselves. (In France, recruits were taught starting on dual-control roleur or “penguin” trainers, planes with clipped wings that allowed the student to gain confidence by taking short, flightless hops before graduating to the real thing.) 


French roleur trainer.
         Making things worse, mounting losses at the front put enormous pressure on flight schools to churn out new pilots. Already trying to deal with a shortage of planes, flight schools faced the dual problem of having to do more with less, but having to do it more quickly. Many pilots were sent to the front before they had officially finished training, some with as little as five hours solo time. One officer in May 1917 complained that most pilots being sent into combat “can’t even fly, let alone fight.”
The predictable result was a horrendous cost in both men and machines. For example, on July 1, 1916, at the beginning of the battle of the Somme, the RFC had a total of 410 aircraft and 426 pilots available. By November 17, it had lost a total of 782 planes and 576 pilots, more than the total force it had started with. In this case, while it was safer to be a pilot than a soldier in the trenches (British ground troops suffered a staggering 420,000 casualties during the battle), concern over the adequacy of training forced the RFC to establish minimum requirements for new pilots. The new rules required 15 hours in the air solo; a cross-country flight of 60 miles with landings at two places; a climb to 6,000 feet followed by 15 minutes at that altitude; a dead-stick landing (with engine stopped) within a circular mark 50 yards in diameter; and two landings in the dark assisted by flares.
Despite the dangers, recruiting new pilots was not a problem. Press accounts of the exploits of a handful of air aces had given the flying corps the reputation of gallant “Knights Errant of the Skies,” an image encouraged by the military brass as a morale booster for the troops on the ground and a recruiting tool back home. In addition to the romance and adventure of flying, pilots were officers, and thus entitled to better food and quarters, as well as higher pay and status than the grunts on the ground. Recruiters could afford to be picky. In one case, if a certain school director deemed a candidate unworthy, he would sit the youth in a swivel chair and spin him around until he was dizzy sick, thus providing the medical excuse the director needed for rejection. For recruiters, the biggest challenge was determining what exactly made for a good pilot. With no other criteria to go by, recruiters relied on old prejudices about good breeding and social standing. Potential pilots were screened based upon their “standard of education, their sporting accomplishments, and their social and general qualifications.”
Still, as the pool of prep-school jocks dwindled, recruiters had to adjust their standards. Frederick Libby, an itinerant cowboy from Colorado who volunteered in 1915 to join the Canadian Army, was slogging through the mud driving a supply truck along the front lines when he saw a notice announcing the RFC was seeking candidates. “True, I know nothing about aeroplanes or what an observer is supposed to do,” he wrote. “But one thing I do know, they don’t fly in the rain… Me, I’m not thinking of flying, but it might be a nice way out of the rain.” (Libby went on to found Western Airlines).

Oops!
         After a week of sitting around Vendome watching crash after crash, Shaw got his flip (slang for a flight, not a particular maneuver). On Sunday, December 16, 1917, Shaw went up with his instructor in a French-made Caudron G-3 biplane. Sitting in the front seat of the two-seat trainer, Shaw went up for 35 minutes, to a height of 200 feet. At one point, the instructor tapped Shaw on the back and, using a hand signal, instructed him to take the control stick and perform a gentle series of turns. (Before the invention of radio intercoms, open-air cockpits meant that instructors had to shout over wind and engine noise or use hand signals in order to communicate with pupils. Sometimes instructors resorted to stopping the engine in flight so they could be heard). Afterwards, the instructor retook control of the plane and returned it to earth.

Fred Shaw in RNAS uniform, 1917.               Shaw family photo
         If there was anything remarkable about Shaw’s first flight, it was how unremarkable it was. In his letters and journals, there was no romantic reflection on having “slipped the surly bonds of earth.” Despite all the waiting and all the crashes he witnessed, there was no pent-up anxiety (at least not that he admitted to), no sense of anticipation, and no wonder at seeing the earth from a whole new perspective. For Shaw, as with many pilots of the day, it was all very matter-of-fact.
In fact, wrote Grider after his first flight, the most surprising thing was, despite all knowledge to the contrary, “the feeling of absolute safety” he got once the wheels left the ground.
“If you were a kid and you got into one of these planes, you wouldn’t know how scared you should be because you had nothing to compare it to,” says Dan Taylor, a radio personality at WCBS-New York and a pilot, restorer, and historian at Old Rhinebeck Aerodrome in New York, a “living museum” which not only has one of the largest collections of vintage World War I-era aircraft, but flies them each weekend during the summer in public airshows.
Compared to airplanes built today, says Taylor, who flies everything from a 1911 Bleriot to a 1914 Avro 504 to a 1917 Sopwith Camel, “all these planes had a lot of drag, so they weren’t very aerodynamic. They had the glide-ratio of a brick, so you always had to keep an eye out for an open field.” There was no “hands-off” flying back then. “The planes got pushed around by the wind, and the controls on many were heavy.” Not only that, but “you had to manage the engine much more, and you had to watch your attitude and airspeed to prevent over-stressing the airframe.” Also, every plane was different, even among planes of the same type. “They each had their own flight characteristics, depending on the individual rigging and what kind of damage the plane had sustained,” Taylor says. Because of this, “you had to learn to do little tricks to make the plane do what you want it to do.”

The Airco DH.2, nicknamed the "spinning incinerator."
         Another problem was engine reliability. Every pilot learned to deal with engine failures, which was why dead-stick landings were a required part of training. Pilots even nicknamed one plane, the Airco DH.2,  the “spinning incinerator” because of its history of trouble.
“But it did make you a better pilot, because you were more prepared for the unexpected,” Taylor says.
Yes, but only if you survived. Before accumulating five hours of flying time, Shaw had wrecked two planes, a total that presumably was considered normal given that his instructors allowed him to continue with his training. On average, Shaw’s training field witnessed three crashes a day. In most, the pilot escaped with only minor cuts and bruises, but over the course of several months, many were killed or seriously injured.
Military orthodoxy demands order and regimentation, but aviation was so new, evolving so rapidly and expanding so greatly during the war that it defied all attempts at regulation. For example, despite the huge increase in the number of planes British industry produced, shortages plagued both squadrons and flight schools. While the actual number of planes might have been sufficient to supply the growing number of squadrons added by the RFC, the factories could not keep up with the number of planes shot down, crashed or which just wore out. In 1916, for every plane lost from enemy aircraft or ground fire, nearly six were lost from accidents or deterioration.
In 1917, British military strategists estimated that to maintain a standing force of 5,500 pilots, an even greater number of pilots-in-training were needed in order to replace those it expected to be killed, injured, or left unfit to fly from sickness or exhaustion. At one point, pilots sent to the front could expect to last, on an average, three weeks. More telling, perhaps, were statistics showing that more than twice as many pilots were killed in accidents than in combat. When advised that the brevity of training might be responsible for the high losses, one commander answered that “short training was a consequence of the number of casualties and not the casualties of the shortness of training”—a rather twisted explanation that only described the vicious cycle in which the RFC found itself.
After three and one-half hours of dual (flight training with an instructor), Shaw soloed. His instructor told him to fly two circuits around the field and then land. Over the next three weeks, Shaw accumulated a total of 14 hours of both dual and solo time, flying both Caudron and American-made Curtis J.N. “Jenny” trainers. In addition to take-offs and landings, Shaw mastered spirals and S-turns, and climbed to 7,800 feet and performed a series of cross-country flights. He was then sent to Cranwell, England, for final training before being assigned to a squadron. He had a total of 25 hours flight time when he crashed. 


The wreckage from which Fred Shaw was pulled.                                           Shaw family photo
         When Shaw came to, he was in the Northern General Hospital in Lincoln, a converted manor house. His injuries were comparatively minor, just a concussion of the head and some cuts and bruises, but he would spend nearly eight weeks at the hospital, apparently lost in the bureaucratic shuffle as the RFC and RNAS merged to form the RAF. When Shaw finally returned to Cranwell, it was June, and much of his previous training needed to be repeated.
Grider survived flight training, accumulating about 20 hours solo before being transferred to the School of Aerial Fighting in Ayr, Scotland. He advanced from Farmans to Avros to Sopwith Pups and finally to French Spads. Along the way, he had seen nine of his fellow cadets killed in crashes. He was at Ayr just 19 days to practice dogfighting when he was ordered to the front line. “I’d like to stay here a while,” he wrote of Ayr, “but they kill off pilots too fast for any one to linger very long.”
While experienced pilots understood that if they manipulated the controls in a particular way, the aircraft would, or at least should, move in a certain way, few could explain exactly why, or what part the various controls performed at each stage of a particular maneuver. Many general principles of flight were a mystery. This meant that if anything unexpected happened, a pilot was apt to lose control, and it was often a matter of chance whether he could regain it.



         Take spins: Before 1916, few pilots unfortunate enough to get themselves into a spin lived to tell of the experience. One pilot who did found himself surrounded by people looking to congratulate him on his seemingly fantastic feat. When asked how he did it, he cheerfully answered that he did “everything wrong,” by which he meant he did the reverse of what his experience and intuition as a pilot told him. By 1917, enough anecdotes had circulated about pilots recovering from spins by pushing forward on the control stick in a spinning nose-dive rather than natural inclination to pull back that it motivated British commanders to rethink air training.  Under the leadership and inspiration of Major R.R. Smith-Barry, the School of Special Flying was opened in Gosport, England in August 1917.
Up until then, instructors were simply drawn from pilots either waiting to go to the front or pilots deemed unfit for the front. There was no consideration given to their qualifications or motivation, and they received very little supervision. Each instructor taught on the basis of his own experience and attitude. As a consequence, given the urgent need to produce more pilots, and given the general reluctance of instructors to increase risks to themselves, students coming out of flight schools were ingrained with a cautious inhibition toward flight. They were taught how to avoid getting into dangerous flight situations rather than how to recover from them. This attitude left them ill-equipped to deal with the challenges of combat flying.

Major R.R. Smith-Barry, on right.
 To help with the standardization of instruction, Smith-Barry initially founded Gosport as a school for instructors. The school’s mission was to explore, explain and adapt for training the techniques needed for aerobatic flying, and to refine the overall process of training pilots. Flight maneuvers would be broken down into a sequence of moves to be memorized. The student-instructors of Gosport would take this knowledge and pass it along to others in the squadrons and flight schools. By the end of the war, all instructors had spent at least two weeks at the school, and every pilot knew how to recover from a spin.
       
Gosport School of Special Flying.
         Before 1917, for many pilots’ training was completed while on active service, where they were expected to transition to more powerful, less forgiving aircraft (the British flew 76 varieties of aircraft by 1916), often with little or no transitional training, performing combat maneuvers while under fire and under extreme stress. Gosport established a program to help students transition progressively to more powerful machines. It also adopted a standard aircraft for training, the Avro 504. And by the end of 1917, Smith-Barry introduced the “Gosport Tube,” a system of voice pipes and headphones for communication between instructor and pupil.

Avro 504 standard trainer
Though it came too late in the war to benefit many pilots, the Gosport-system revolutionized flight training in Britain, and many of the techniques it taught became part of the common foundation of knowledge that generations of pilots would learn.
            Assigned to the 85th Squadron under Canadian air ace Lt. Colonel William “Billy” Bishop, Grider flew bomber escort and patrols. He shot down five enemy planes before being shot down behind enemy lines and killed in June 1918. He was buried in Armentieres, France. In Pine Bluff, Arkansas, the local airfield is dedicated to him.

Handley Page 0400 heavy bomber.                             Shaw family photo
         As for Shaw, after completing his training at Cranwell, learning on a combination of BE2c’s and Airco DH9s , he was sent to the #1 School of Navigation and Bomb Dropping at Stonehenge, where he would learn the specialized skills needed to fly the giant Handley Page 0400 twin-engine bomber, and how to perform night bombing operations. By the time he finished the six-week course and was assigned to 100 Squadron in France, it was the last week of October 1918. Within two weeks, the armistice was signed and the guns fell silent. Shaw went home without ever flying a combat mission. While surviving flight training could be considered a feat in itself, the eight weeks that Shaw’s crash took him out of commission may have saved his life. He returned home, married his sweetheart, Dorothy Price, and the two had a daughter, Janet—my mother. His good luck, it turns out, was mine, too.



--Tom LeCompte


Grave of friend and fellow airman.               Shaw family photo



Note: Dan Taylor is still a disc jockey in New York City and still flies antique aircraft.

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